Again

Abstract

We present an analysis of again which splits the presuppositional contribution into two components, a component encoding a given eventuality and an embedded structure encoding the requirement of temporal anteriority of this eventuality. The analysis yields a straightforward solution to the puzzles Kamp and Kripke signalled with respect to the behaviour of again in conditional and quantificational environments. It moreover explains why the presupposition of again yields fully transparent readings in attitude contexts and tends to access positions that are normally thought to be inaccessible for anaphoric reference.